As I told you. DUIs contain their real names and addresses, which might be in a rival neighborhood, potentially making their home and family members targets of violence.
Crime in El Salvador - Wikipedia
Family members are often threatened to extort money from targets. It was also difficult for outreach educators to find safe spaces to retreat to during outreach as gangs in Central America have also made a business of extorting small business owners and bus drivers. Bus lines are privately owned. In addition, outreach educators reported feeling that gang members were acting as lookouts and following them as they performed their work:. You see here is a very complex situation—they are controlled, so one sees all of that, the buses are also controlled. At times I.
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In addition, educators are continually pressed to recruit new participants, increasing the distance they must travel from the CCPIs. Travel to unfamiliar locations and inadequate money for safe transportation also increased the danger level for the educators. Many educators, as the participant describes below, elected to take taxis rather than buses as buses are often robbed by gang members.
Sometimes [the gang members. They only give me five dollars for a job at night in order to transport me from the CCPI to the business and from this business to lodging because we have been prohibited to stay in the CCPI. So that is a huge risk that. Many educators performed their outreach at night when they were more likely to find their target populations working.
However, travel at night is even more dangerous. Thus, many educators preferred to spend the night close to where they did outreach rather than travel home. Many educators suggested that providing the CCPIs with vehicles and security personnel would facilitate their work under these circumstances. However, like the participant above, they recognized that the Global Fund had not budgeted for that expense. Although many educators continued to risk their lives to conduct outreach, at times educators had to suspend working in particular neighborhoods due to the extreme levels of violence.
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Although some adaptations could have been made with more resources, for example, vehicles for transportation, the level of violence likely would have remained a problem for any health project. Although less prominent than violence, a frequent barrier faced by educators was resistance among the target population to the intervention. At times, participants expressed disinterest or lack of time. Often though, because of previous discriminatory treatment by health care professionals bordering on structural violence, they were afraid of further discriminatory experiences during the intervention.
They have had problems at a legal level. They, because of this, become vulnerable and resistant to take part in [the project], more so when we arrive, saying that we offer them a complementary packet of benefits. However, the reputation of the clinics improved over time with increased intervention to reduce stigmatizing attitudes among health care providers. All the populations served by the national combination HIV prevention strategy faced stigma from health care providers or the general public.
Engaging in commercial sex work, for example, violates Salvadoran notions of being a good woman and mother, particularly as commercial sex work is often accompanied by substance use as a condition of employment, as will be seen below. Educators for MSM and TW felt that the levels of stigma, often expressed through violent acts, caused MSM and TW to suffer from poor self-esteem and trauma and that many used alcohol and drugs to deal with their experiences.
However, just as there were few social spaces where TW are accepted, educators noted that transgender-sensitive drug or alcohol treatment was lacking. The places they could go to [now.
In fact, to our knowledge, no publicly funded clinics provide support to TW in gender transition in El Salvador, a situation which has caused many TW to try to transition on their own, causing serious health risks. For example, an endocrinologist, in our case this is a very important part for the women and because they have not had information from an endocrinologist, many have died. Many have horrible problems with their breasts because they have injected themselves with oil. Educators report that openly gay men in El Salvador face daily discrimination, and many resort to hiding their identities and go to great lengths to preserve their anonymity, which makes them difficult to seek out and approach:.
Because many MSM hid their identities, they did not always frequent gay venues such as night clubs and bars. Instead, they often went to parks for anonymous sexual activity. Parks and other public places frequented by MSM are also places that are controlled by gang members, increasing the danger of working in these environments and the importance to potential clients of keeping their sexual identities hidden.
In these situations, educators reported that clients felt uneasy being seen with an openly gay educator for fear of being identified as gay. In addition, they were often reluctant to participate in the project because the Global Fund reports required signatures from participants to ensure that target populations were receiving the services and materials e. However, many MSM worried that their sexual identity could thus be disclosed to family, friends, and other community members and did not want to provide their signature, names, or addresses. However, many MSM still refused to provide phone numbers or addresses, making it difficult to follow up with clients with more interventions over time as an educator serving MSM expressed:.
Many owners were suspicious of letting educators in, and many had to be approached and convinced that HIV prevention was good for their businesses. Another goal we achieved is the opening that we have been able to achieve with the businesses from the educators last year. And from that work we have heard of other businesses and this has helped us not to have so many obstacles like we had last year.
In: Dubowitz H, editor. World Perspectives on Child Abuse. Han A, Stewart DE.
WHO | Intimate partner violence
Maternal and fetal outcomes of intimate partner violence associated with pregnancy in the Latin American and Caribbean region. Violence against women increases the risk of infant and child mortality: a case-referent study in Nicaragua. Bulletin of the World Health Organization ;81 1 — Behind closed doors: The impact of domestic violence on children. Global Health Action ; Maternal violence, victimization, and child physical punishment in Peru.
Child Abuse and Neglect ;34 7 — Rio de Janeiro: Promundo; The global prevalence of intimate partner violence against women. Science ; — United Nations Development Programme. Core indicators Health situation in the Americas. Global health estimates disease burden by cause, age, sex, by country and by region, — [Internet]; Interpersonal youth violence in Latin America and the English-speaking Caribbean. Preventing youth violence: an overview of the evidence.
Spain and Rwanda both used the term "gender violence" in the title of their VAW legislation and were the only countries to do so , but the content of their respective "gender violence" laws differed considerably with regard to other key components. The low frequency of use of the terms "violence against women" and "gender violence" in the titles of the VAW legislation included in the study sample indicates the predominance of "gender-neutral legislation" legislation that does not specifically identify women as the main victims and survivors of this type of violence 20, For example, in some cases, female survivors of violence have been prosecuted for their inability to protect their children from violence Legal analysis of the laws has demonstrated the important distinction between the terms "gender violence" and "domestic violence" in this context.
Legislation that uses the latter term generally specifies "the family" as the target beneficiary, whereas legislation that uses the former term generally focuses on the protection of female citizens based on their entitlement to fundamental rights Inclusion and definition of these terms in a legal text have been found to constitute a key requirement for interventions aimed at all of these forms of abuse 20, 21, Guatemala, El Salvador, and Mexico stand out for their inclusion and definition of other, more specific terms for VAW e.
Promotion of the role of various sectors in VAW legislation e. While the current content analysis did not find a high rate of reference to those six sectors, this result should be interpreted with a certain amount of caution, because the cross-sectional study design did not allow for consideration of other national policies that may have included contributions by those sectors to the provision of care for victims of VAW.
For example, the United Kingdom recently implemented a new government strategy that resulted in a significant reduction in the number of social services available for victims of VAW.
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At the same time, however, a new government entity was created to implement a policy designed to improve the housing conditions of women and children made homeless by VAW. In other words, the government transferred responsibility for tackling VAW from the social services sector to a new decision-making entity The development of "comprehensive legislation" legislation involving multiple sectors enables the creation of care and support services customized to the needs of female survivors of violence and facilitates the participation of other sectors such as social services and mass media through educational and awareness-raising interventions.
Although most VAW legislation still does not promote the participation of most of the six sectors analyzed in this study, current VAW laws are more effective than those enacted 20 years ago. As characterized by some researchers, current VAW legislation can be seen as an efficient social program that prioritizes the care and protection of women who are victims of violence Public policies influence the determinants of health and are a primary mechanism for carrying out actions that reduce social and economic inequities e.
Participation of the health sector in victim support and care is strengthened by laws that mandate coordinated interventions with other sectors However, these types of laws may also hinder support and care for victims of VAW. For example, in , Guatemala's Intrafamilial Violence Act Ley de violencia intrafamiliar established mandatory reporting by health professionals of all cases of violence.
This law became a barrier to efforts to prevent VAW as many health professionals chose to ignore signs of violence to avoid getting involved in criminal cases. In Argentina, Brazil, Colombia, El Salvador, Mexico, Spain, and Venezuela, VAW laws call for the participation of the health sector through specific interventions that include the use of intersectoral coordination mechanisms to integrate judicial and social services These types of interventions may play an important role in facilitating access for female victims of abuse to legal and social resources.
This study had certain limitations that should be considered when interpreting the findings. In addition, as mentioned above, the cross-sectional study design did not allow the authors to analyze other national policies e. Despite considerable efforts to meet these standards, especially in the Americas, most VAW-related laws do not incorporate these desirable elements and are thus significantly limited in terms of their content and application as well as their ability to provide women with integrated treatment for and protection from violence.
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The Valluno dialect has many words and phrases not used outside of the region. Thong sandals are referred to as chanclas , and plastic bags bolsas elsewhere are called chuspas. As in other areas, a chocha is another crude word for "vagina," and chucha refers to an opossum.
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A pachanguero is someone who dances or parties all night long. The Pastuso dialect is spoken in the southwest ll of the country. The Opita dialect is spoken mostly in the departments of Tolima and Huila , mostly in the central and southern parts of the Magdalena River Valley. It is said to show strong influence of indigenous languages and is noted for its slow tempo and unique intonation. The use of voseo is rare.
Santanderean is spoken mostly in the northeastern part of the country in Santander and Norte de Santander Departments.